Afghanistan has now laid the foundation for a market-based economy. A new economic system, based on the state as a regulator, not a producer, of goods, with a clear separation between the public and private sectors, stands in place of the centralized economy of the past. An independent central bank, a liberalized foreign exchange system, and laws permitting foreigners to wholly own property characterize the new economic landscape. A doubling of the gross national product and per capita income, a 13 percent growth rate in 2007, and modest inflation paint a vibrant picture.

Yet substantial challenges linger. Many of the problems Afghanistan’s economy faces are typical for those rebuilding after war: high prices from an immature system that lacks adequate private sector competition; resistance to change from a state-controlled system; the dearth of human capital; corruption; insecurity; and inequalities created by the market system itself. Critics also believe that the billions of dollars spent on Afghanistan by the international community have not had the expected impact.

Afghanistan's Economy: On the Right Road, But Still a Long Way to Go

In its final Afghan Opium Survey for 2007 issued today, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) shows that opium is now equivalent to more than half (53%) of the country's licit GDP. Speaking at a conference in Brussels on the future of Afghanistan, hosted by Princeton University, the Executive Director of UNODC, Antonio Maria Costa, announced that the total export value of opiates produced in and trafficked from Afghanistan in 2007 is about $4 billion, a 29 per cent increase over 2006.

Approximately one quarter of this amount ($1 billion) is earned by opium farmers. District officials take a percentage through a tax on crops (known as "ushr"). Insurgents and warlords control the business of producing and distributing the drugs. The rest is made by drug traffickers.

Opium Amounts to Half of Afghanistan's GDP in 2007

How did people think about copyright in the nineteenth century? What did they think it was? What was it for? Was it property? Or something else? How did it function? Who could it benefit? Who might it harm?

Pimps and Ferrets: Copyright and Culture in the United States, 1831-1891 addresses questions like these, unpacking the ideas and popular ideologies connected to copyright in the United States during the nineteenth-century.

This era was rife with copyright-related controversy and excitement, including international squabbling, celebrity grandstanding, new technology, corporate exploitation, and ferocious arguments about piracy, reprinting, and the effects of copyright law. Then, as now, copyright was very important to a small group of people (authors and publishers), and slightly important to a much larger group (consumers and readers). However, as this dissertation demonstrates, these larger groups did have definite ideas about copyright, its function, and its purpose, in ways not obvious to the denizens of the legal and authorial realms.

This project draws on methods from both social and cultural history. Primary sources include a broad swath of magazine and newspaper articles, letters, and editorials about various copyright-related controversies. Examining these sources – both mainstream and obscure – illustrates the diversity of thinking about copyright issues during the nineteenth century, and suggests alternative frameworks for considering copyright in other times.

Pimps and Ferrets: Copyright and Culture in the United States, 1831-1891

More than six years after the start of the ‘war on terror’, America and its allies are less safe, their enemies stronger and more numerous, and the war’s key geographic battleground, the greater Middle East, dangerously unstable. In Iraq, thousands of American soldiers, and tens of thousands of Iraqi soldiers and civilians, have been killed or wounded while more than 150,000 US troops fight to contain an insurgency and a civil war at a cost of over $300 million per day. In Iran, an Islamic fundamentalist regime remains firmly in power and is defiantly pursuing a nuclear-weapons programme, undermining American efforts in Iraq and subsidising increasingly brazen terrorist groups in the Middle East. The Gaza Strip is now led by one terrorist group, Hamas, while another, Hizbullah, is increasingly influential in Lebanon and increasingly popular on the streets of the Middle East. Syria remains under an anti-American dictatorship allied to Iran, and no real peace process between Israel and any of its neighbours exists.

More broadly, according to repeated public opinion polls, the popularity and credibility of the United States is at an all-time low. Hizbullah leader Sheikh Hassan Nasrallah is far more popular in the Muslim world than President George W. Bush; most Muslims would prefer to see China, Russia or France replace America as the dominant outside power; and majorities even among America’s traditional allies now have a highly unfavourable view of the United States. While the US homeland has not been attacked since 2001, Osama bin Laden remains at large, and there have been far more Islamist terrorist attacks around the world since 2001 than in the six years before the ‘war on terror’ was launched. Far from being ‘on the march’, democracy in the Middle East is in trouble, and where it has advanced, in most cases – including Palestine, Iraq, Egypt and Lebanon – it has produced unintended and often unwanted consequences. For a war that has now been going on longer than the Second World War, the balance sheet is dismal.

Winning the Right War

Follow-up on Walk Score. See also, from February, Neighboroo.

The post-World War II era has witnessed the nearly exclusive building of low density suburbia, here termed “drivable sub-urban” development, as the American metropolitan built environment. However, over the past 15 years, there has been a gradual shift in how Americans have created their built environment (defined as the real estate, which is generally privately owned, and the infrastructure that supports real estate, majority publicly owned), as demonstrated by the success of the many downtown revitalizations, new urbanism, and transit-oriented development. This has been the result of the re-introduction and expansion of higher density “walkable urban” places. This new trend is the focus of the recently published book, The Option of Urbanism: Investing in a New American Dream (Island Press, November 2007).

This field survey attempts to identify the number and location of “regional-serving” walkable urban places in the 30 largest metropolitan areas in the U.S., where 138 million, or 46 percent, of the U.S. population lives. This field survey determines where these walkable urban places are most prevalent on a per capita basis, where they are generally located within the metro area, and the extent to which rail transit service is associated with walkable urban development.

The first section defines the key concepts used in the survey, providing relevant background information for those who have not read The Option of Urbanism. The second section outlines the methodology. The third section, which is the heart of the report, outlines the findings and conclusions of the survey.

Footloose and Fancy Free: A Field Survey of Walkable Urban Places

One-dimensional (1D) conductive nanowire is one of the most important components for the development of nanosized electronic devices, sensors, and energy storage units. Great progresses have been made to prepare the 1D-conducting polymeric nanofibers by the low concentration process or the synthesis with hard or soft templates. However, it still remains as a great challenge to prepare polymeric nanofibers with narrow dispersity, high aspect ratio, and good processibility. With the rod-like tobacco mosaic virus as the template, 1D-conducting polyaniline and polypyrrole nanowires can be readily prepared via a hierarchical assembly process. This synthesis discloses a unique way to produce composite fibrillar materials with controlled morphology and great processibility, which can promote many potential applications including electronics, optics, sensing, and biomedical engineering.

Biological Templated Synthesis of Water-Soluble Conductive Polymeric Nanowires

An important property of polyaniline (PANi), a polymer, is its electric conductivity. This makes it suitable for the manufacture of electrically conducting fibers. Consequently, PANi and other conductive polymers have been extensively studied for optical and electronic applications and many practical syntheses of one-dimensional (1D) nanostructured PANi have already been developed. However, preparation of water-soluble, conductive PANi nanowires with controllable morphologies and sizes, especially with good processibility, is still a big challenge. A possible solution could lie in the use of self-assembled proteins, such as plant viruses, as nanotemplates for the synthesis of these nanowires.

Nanotechnology uses plant viruses for materials development

The United States has been actively engaged in prosecuting the Global War on Terrorism (GWOT) since September 2001. However, after 5 years of national effort that has included the loss of over 3,000 service members in combat operations, many question whether the U.S. strategy is working, and whether the United States understands how to combat an enemy motivated by a radical revolutionary religious ideology. The author reviews the pertinent cultural history and background of Islam and then posits three root causes of this conflict: the lack of wealth-sharing in Islamic countries, resentment of Western exploitation of Islamic countries, and a U.S. credibility gap within the Islamic community. Following this discussion of root causes, this analysis compares the Ends, Ways and Means of the U.S. Strategy for Combating Terrorism with that of terrorist organizations such as al-Qai’da. The author concludes that the United States is not achieving its long-term strategic objectives in the GWOT. He then recommends that U.S. strategy focus on the root causes of Islamic hostility. Accordingly, the United States should combat radical Islam from within the Islamic community by consistently supporting the efforts of moderate Islamic nations to build democratic institutions that are acceptable in Islamic terms.

The Global War on Terrorism: A Religious War?

These five papers—Information Operations and the New Threat, by Lieutenant Colonel Terry R. Ferrell, USA; The Media and National Security Decision Making, by Lieutenant Colonel James M. Marye, USA; Embedded Media: Failed Test, or the Future of Military/Media Relations? by Lieutenant Colonel Michael J. Oehle, USMC; Leveraging the Media: The Embedded Media Program in Operation Iraqi Freedom, by Colonel Glenn T. Starnes, USMC; and Embedding Success into the Military Media Relationship, by Commander Jose L. Rodriguez, USNR—have been collected in this volume. With the authors’ experiences fresh in their minds, these papers provide a timely and credible review of the successes and failures of the Embedded Media Program; moreover, they provide recommendations and predictions of future difficulties that should be reviewed by anyone with a role to play in the evolving relationship between the media and the military.

Perspectives on Embedded Media Selected Papers from the US Army War College

This volume of essays showcases CSIS's collective wisdom on the most important security issues facing America in 2008—the major political, military, and economic challenges likely to have strategic implications for the nation. Some of these challenges depend on political developments in other countries, while others hinge on U.S. actions. Some are regional in focus; others have transnational or global reach. All have the potential to expand into full-scale crises and must be watched and managed carefully.

Top CSIS scholars look at Asia, especially China, Taiwan, the Korean peninsula, and Pakistan; Europe, including Russia, Turkey, and Kosovo; Africa (AFRICOM); Cuba; a new climate change framework; nuclear proliferation; the Iraqi refugee crisis; and America at war in Afghanistan and Iraq and the possibility of war with Iran. The main event likely to shape U.S. security in 2008, however, will transpire at home—namely, the U.S. presidential election—where foreign policy will likely play a dominant role. In an afterword, Richard Armitage and Joseph Nye offer their vision of a new approach to U.S. foreign policy that relies on the exercise of "smart power." America needs such a vision, particularly at a time of so much uncertainty.

Regarding "smart power":

Report of the Commission on Smart Power

Video of Armitage and Nye

Smart Power and the U.S. Strategy for Security in a Post-9/11 World

Testimony on November 7, 2007 to the House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform, Subcommittee on National Security and Foreign Affairs, Hearing on Smart Power and the United States Strategy for Security in the Post-9/11 World

The illusion of American 'smart power'

Global Forecast | Center for Strategic and International Studies