] To start with, London and Washington should recognise ] that they are now combating a full-blown nationalist ] insurgency - not simply conducting a counter-terrorism ] campaign. Indeed, the coalition's most dangerous ] adversaries are no longer foreign fighters or former ] regime holdouts, but growing numbers of nationalist ] insurgents. Their fervent nationalism gives them ] legitimacy and appeal among the very population that ] US-led troops are trying to secure. One does not defeat ] such a movement simply by killing insurgents, but by ] winning popular support and marginalising the rebels. An ] occupied population looks to its occupiers for one thing ] above all - not democracy nor electricity, but security. ] This is what the US and UK have so far failed to provide. ] If the coalition is to have any chance of regaining Iraqi ] consent for its presence, it must put public security at ] the forefront of counter-insurgency strategy. If public ] security is the primary objective, reducing Iraqi ] casualties is the means. If fewer Iraqis are killed for ] whatever reason month to month, the coalition is winning. ] If the number goes up, the coalition is losing - as it is ] at present. A form of "reverse body count" should be the ] metric for success. |